![]() Thus, it was something of a surprise to discover that, across and within shots of a movie, most viewers tend to look at the same places at the same times ( Goldstein et al., 2007 Hasson et al., 2008 Smith, 2013 Võ et al., 2012). We have known for quite some time that eye fixations to pictures show great variability across viewers and tasks ( Buswell, 1935 Yarbus, 1967 see also Andrews and Coppola, 1999 Dorr et al., 2010). ![]() The second practice derives from social norms and an image composition norm called nose room, and the third from the consideration of continuity and the speed of re-engaging attention. The horizontal aspect of the first practice seems to follow from the nature of our field of view and vertical aspect from the relationship of heads to bodies depicted. For those, filmmakers generally follow important content in one shot by similar content in the next shot on the same side of the vertical midline. Dialogue shots alternate views of the speakers involved, and filmmakers generally place the conversants slightly to opposite sides of the midline. The second concerns two-person conversations, which account for about half of popular movie content. ![]() The first and overriding practice is that filmmakers generally put the most import content ‒ usually the center of a character’s face ‒ slightly above the center of the screen. Results provide evidence for three general filmmaking practices in screen composition. Estimates of fixation locations were made by manually moving a cursor and clicking over frames at the beginnings and ends of more than 30,000 shots in 24 English-language movies. Popular movies are constructed to control our attention and guide our eye movements across the screen.
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